For Profit Healthcare Organization Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

For Profit Healthcare Organization - Essay Example Supervisory management is there to allocate work to individual employees and groups of employees and is there to ensure that the assigned tasks are carried out. The top management makes decisions with the help of middle and supervisory management. There is a collaborative environment in the hospital (Sentara Healthcare). Collaborative environment means that the management shows interest towards the problems and issues of employees and also work for their betterment. Employees are given rewards for their good performance and for bad performance, they are also punished. The management of the hospital considers employees as its assets and acknowledges their contribution towards the advancement of the hospital. The internal environment of the hospital is disciplined as the employees have to follow certain rules and regulations that are known to them. In case the rules and regulations are disregarded, the employees have to face the consequences. According to the hospital management, for the betterment of a hospital environment, the rules should be followed by all the employees to ensure that the hospital remains well-reputed in people’s view. The safety of patients is also a major concern of the hospital (About Sentara Healthcare 2008). The patients are also asked to follow the particular rules that are designed for them such as the meeting timings and medicinal timings. The inner environment is structured in a format according to which, the employees are required to remain disciplined. The management is also interested in the behaviors of employees towards the patients. The management makes sure that the patients are dealt with patience and care. A collaborative environment is there due to which, employees help each other and consult with supervisory management in case of any problems or issues. As far as external environment is concerned, the

A Position Paper on Institutional Research Board Requirment Essay

A Position Paper on Institutional Research Board Requirment - Essay Example Hence, the objective of this paper is to elaborate on the arguments for ethics review of undergraduate research and to present proofs for the educational repercussions of IRB evaluation of this research. There seem to be two rationales for this unforeseen exclusion. Primarily, a great deal of undergraduate research is carried out at small colleges that do not have IRBs. Only organizations that have federally subsidized research are officially mandated to have research with human subjects evaluated by an IRB, and several small colleges do not have federally subsidized research. Moreover, a number of undergraduate researches get away from IRB scrutiny on the basis of false argument that, since undergraduate research is above all educationally encouraged, IRB review is not necessary. There are some educators who believe that it’s merely student research and therefore is not regarded as real research. Reasonably, educators may believe that student research would not require to be subjected to a real assessment (ibid, 20). Undeniably, federal IRB directives exempt research that is performed as a regular component of the educational process. Nevertheless, Section 46.101 merely exempts research in which data can be gathered as section of the regular, day-to-day educational procedure, such as unspecified course assessments, course performance mechanisms, or attendance documents. Section 46.101 does not indicate that a review is needless if research is educationally encouraged or a student is carrying out the research. Such an argument is indefensible (Kallgren, 1996). However, these arguments seem to be the justification brought into play by others for not having undergraduate research subjected under IRB review. Subjects are threatens when student researchers are at the wheels. Student researchers are less capable to foresee possible ethical dilemmas; or, if a problem surfaces, they may

Analysis of the Money Market in India

Analysis of the Money Market in India Money market is an important segment of the financial market (system) as it provides avenue for equilibrating the short term (ranging from overnight upto an year) demand for and supply of funds. It also plays an important role in the transmission mechanism of monetary policy, as it acts as a medium through which the central bank can influence the short term liquidity and interest rates in the financial system. Till the mid 1980s the Indian money markets was characterized by scarcity of instruments, stringent regulations pertaining to participants and interest rates, lack of depth and liquidity. Another drawback in the Indian money market during this period was existence of a large number of lenders and only a few chronic borrowers. Infact the basic requirement of a liquid and deep market that the participants should rotate between borrowing and lending activity was missing. However RBI took many measures to deepen and widen the money market in accordance with the recommendations of the Committee to Review the Working of the Monetary System (Chairman: Professor Sukhamoy Chakravarty) [1985] and the Working Group on the Money Market (Chairman: Shri N. Vaghul) [1987]. These measures included the deregulation of money markets interest rates, introduction of new money markets instruments such as certificates of deposits (June 1989), commercial paper (Jan 1990) etc. Also the RBI gradually eased the barriers to entry and initiated measure to increase the number of participants in the Money Market. RBI in a ssociation with the public sector banks and financial institution had set up the Discount and Finance House of India Ltd. (DFHI) in April 1988 in order to impart liquidity to the financial instruments. Thus financial innovations in terms of money markets instruments, broadening of participants base and strengthening of institutional infrastructure were undertaking during the 1990s based on the Vaghul Committees framework. Further during the late 1990s the Narasimham committee (1998) recommended rationalization of the money market by ensuring participation of different classes of entities in various segments of money market. RBI has over the years taken many structural measures and instrument-specific measures like transformation of call money market into pure interbank market, bringing down the minimum maturity of the CDs to 7 days etc. to develop the money market in pursuance of the Narasimham committee recommendations. Also a fullfledged liquidity Adjustment Facility was introduced on June 5, 2000 which replaced the traditional refinance support on fixed terms. The LAF was operationalised with a view to alter short term liquidity conditions as per the market conditions. In wake to strengthen the payment system infrastructure the Clearing Corporation of India Ltd. (CCIL) was formed in 2001. Also the introduction of the Negotiated Dealing System (NDS) in February 2002 and implementation of the Real Time Gross Settlement (RTGS) system in March 2004 further improved the efficiency in the money market. Improve These policy initiatives undertaken over time have led to the growth and sophistication of Indian money market, making it relatively deep, liquid and vibrant. Also the activity in all the segments of the Indian money market has increased significantly, especially during last few years. Currently the major segments of the Indian money market are Call (overnight) and Short-notice (up to fourteen days) Money Market Treasury Bills Market. Repos Market Term Money Market Collateralised borrowing and lending obligation (CBLO) Commercial Paper (CP) Certificates of Deposit (CDs) Money Market Mutual Funds (MMMFs) Among these, call and short-notice money and Treasury Bills form the most important segments of the Indian money market. Let us discuss each of these in brief: Call/Notice Money market The call money market is one of the most important and active segment of the Indian Money Market. Over the years RBI has taken many measures for development of the call/term money market. During the 1990s measures were taken to widen the participation of the call money market to include primary satellite dealers corporate (through primary dealers) in addition to the existing participants like commercial banks co-operative banks, LIC, UTI, etc. However the Narasimham committee recommended the conversion of the call/notice money market in a pure inter-bank market on prudential considerations and with an objective to improve the monetary transmission mechanism. Thus in accordance with the Narasimham committee recommendations (1998), measures were taken to convert the call market into a pure inter bank market starting in 1999. Simultaneously steps were taken to develop a repo market outside the official window for providing a stable collateralised avenue for deployment of funds by the non-banks following their phased exit from the call money market. Also introduction of instruments such as Collateralised Borrowing and Lending Obligation further provided the banks and non banks with a funding alternative. Consequently the call money market was transformed into a pure inter bank market in August 2005. Reflecting the conscious decision on the part of the RBI to make the call/notice money market a pure inter bank, the average daily turnover, which stood at around Rs. 351.44 bn in FY02, almost halved to Rs. 141.70 bn in FY04. However it increased in the subsequent years and was Rs.217.25 bn during FY07. The operational efficiency in the call money market was improved with the establishment of the CCIL and operationalisation of NDS. Furthermore the RBI made it mandatory for the all the NDS members to report all the call/notice money market transaction carried out through NDS within 15 minutes of winding up of the transaction. This helped in increasing efficiency, transparency and improve price discovery in the money market. In order to further increase the transparency and facilitate better price discovery CCIL developed a screen based negotiated dealing quote-driven system for all dealings in the call/notice and the term money markets (NDSCALL). This system was made operational on September 18, 2006. Further the RBI has over the years carried out many reform measures such as adoption of Liquidity Adjustment Facilities (LAF) etc. in order to impart stability in the call money market. In the 1990s the call rates were generally stable barring a few episodes of volatility. Tight liquidity condition in the call money market, backed by high levels of statutory pre-emptions and withdrawal of all refinance facilities except the export credit, led to firming up of the call rates during the beginning of FY92. Infact the call rate touched a peak of 35% in May 1992. After that the call rates eased for some period and again firmed up to touch 35% in November 1995. This was partly a reflection of the turmoil in the foreign exchange market. Inorder to stabilize the market the RBI injected liquidity in the system through repos, increased refinance facilities and provided some respite by reducing the CRR. With RBI sucking out liquidity to ease foreign exchange market pressure the call rates, which had eased to single digit levels, again firmed up to 29% in January 1998. The adoption of the LAF in June 2000 has helped the call rates to ease. The call rate eased significantly to a low of 4.5 percent in September 2004, backed by improved liquidity conditions on account of increased capital inflows. However on account of IMD redemptions the call rates came under some pressure in December 2005. It increased to around 7% during Feb 2007 partly influenced by the tight monetary policy stance by the RBI to curb high inflation. With the initiation of the LAF and subsequent improvement in liquidity management a considerable degree of stability has been imparted in the call money market. Since then the volatility in call rates has reduced significantly. According to the RBI the mean rate has almost halved from around 11 per cent during April 1993-March 1996 to about 6 per cent during April 2000-March 2007. Volatility, measured by coefficient of variation (CV) of call rates, also halved from 0.6 to 0.3 over the same period. It is important to note here that the in the pre-reform period the statutory requirements like CRR and SLR and reserve maintenance period have been the main driver of the call rates. However in the recent years the developments in other market segments, mainly the foreign exchange and the government securities market accompanied by the Reserve Banks liquidity management operations have been the major factors influencing the call rates. This signifies increased market integration and improved liquidity management by the Reserve Bank. Term Money Market Term Money Market, which is market for short-term funds of maturity between 15 days to 1 year, is not very well developed in India. Till the late 1980s, the term money market was governed by stringent norms in terms of participants, regulated interest rates etc. However the RBI has taken many measures over the years to develop this market. The administered interest rate system was dismantled in 1989 following the recommendations of vaghul committee. Further in 1993 select financial institutions (IDBI, ICICI, IFCI, IIBI, SIDBI, EXIM Bank, NABARD, IDFC and NHB) were allowed to borrow from the term money market for 3-6 months maturity, however within a fixed limit set for each institution. Also Term money of original maturity between 15 days and 1 year was exempted from the CRR in August 2001. Although many measures were taken by the RBI to develop the term money market, the activity (as reflected in the daily turnover) in this segment of money market continues to remain low. The average daily turnover in the term money market has increased moderately from Rs.195 crore in FY02 to Rs.1,012 crore during FY07. The development of the term money market has been impeded by confluence of factors- (i) the inability of participants to build interest rate expectations over the medium term due to which there is a tendency on their part to lock themselves in the short-term; (ii) the distribution of liquidity is also skewed with public sector banks often having surplus funds and foreign banks being in deficit in respect of short-term resources. Since the deficit banks depend heavily on call/notice money, more often, surplus banks exhaust their exposure limits to them; (iii) corporates overwhelming preference for cash credit system rather than loan generally forces banks to deploy a large amount in the call/notice money market rather than in the term money market to meet sudden demand from corporates; (iv) the steady reduction in the minimum maturity period of term deposits offered by banks; and (v) the tendency on the part of banks to deploy their surplus funds in LAF auctions rather than in the term money market, reflecting risk-averse behaviour. Repos Market Repo is a money market instrument, which enables collateralised short-term borrowing and lending through sale/purchase operations in debt instruments. In this segment, mutual funds and some foreign banks are the major providers of funds, while some foreign banks, private sector banks and primary dealers are the major borrowers. Over the years RBI has taken many measures to reform the Repo market, which was highly regulated both in terms of participants and instruments till the late 1980s. Before April 1988 all government securities and PSU bonds were eligible for repo transactions. However with the alarmingly high growth in repos RBI became cautious and prohibited the participation of non-banks in the repo market. RBI permitted only interbank repos in all government securities between April 1988 and mid-June 1992 in order to avoid any undesirable developments on account of the large scale misuse of repos. The Janakiraman Committee, set up following the securities market irregularities of 1992, reported that despite of being prohibited virtually all wholesale participants of the money and not only banks widely used the repos. Also many other irregularities were in the repo markets were bought to the forefront, following which the repos were prohibited in all the securities barring the treasury bills. However in wake to revive the repo market and noting the usefulness of repos in development of money market, RBI gradually bought all Central Government dated securities, Treasury Bills and State Government securities under the purview of repo market. Furthermore, with the view to broaden the repo market PSU bonds and private corporate securities have been made eligible for repos in 1997-98. Further RBI introduced the delivery versus payment system during FY96, with an aim to facilitate the repo transactions and increase transparency in the repo market. Nonbank entities which maintained subsidiary general ledger (SGL) account were permitted to participate in the repo market. Since March 2003, the non-bank financial companies, mutual funds, housing finance companies and insurance companies not having SGL account were permitted to transact in the repo market through their gilt accounts maintained with the custodian. With the increase in use of repos as money market instrument the comprehensive uniform accounting guidelines as well as documentation policy were issued by the RBI in March 2003. In addition to this the DvP III mode of settlement in government securities (which involves settlement of securities and funds on a net basis) was operationalised in April 2004. This helped the introduction of rollover of repo transactions in government securities and offered greater flexibility to participants in managing their collaterals. The Liquidity Adjustment Facility (LAF), that was introduced from June 5, 2000, has also helped in development of the repo market. Further the gradual phasing out of nonbanks (August 2005) from the call money market, has provided further impetus to the repo market. This is evident from the sharp increase in the average daily turnover of repo transactions (other than the Reserve Bank) from Rs.11,311 crore during April 2001 to Rs. 42,252 crore in June 2006. Treasury Bills Market T-Bills are issued by the RBI on behalf of the Government of India and thus are actually a class of Government Securities. Presently T-Bills are issued in maturity periods of 91 days, 182 days and 364 days through an auction based system and form one of the most active segments of the Indian money market. However prior to the initiation of reforms, only the 91-day Treasury bills were sold through fixed coupon or tap system. Also ad hoc treasury bills were issued by the government in order to meet the temporary mismatch in revenue and expenditure. Although these were meant for temporary purpose they became attractive source of meeting the central government resource requirement as they were available at an interest rate pegged at 4.6% per annum since 1974. However due to administered nature of interest rate the 91-day treasury bills could not emerge as useful instruments in the money market. But with initiation of the reform measures in the late 1980s T-bills market has emerged as an important segment of the money market. The reform process in the t-bills market was initiated in November 1986 with the introduction of 182 days treasury bills. The formation of DFHI also helped in emergence of treasury bills market as important segment of the money market. Further impetus was provided to the development of the treasury bills market by the phasing out of the tap treasury bills and introduction of auctioning system in the 91-treasury. Another important reform in the treasury bills market was the abolition of the ad hoc treasury bills in April 1997. Further the introduction of 14-day intermediate treasury bills helped in improving the cash management of the government. Thus, Treasury bills of different tenors were introduced to consolidate the market for imparting liquidity, while yields were made market determined through auctions so that they could be used as benchmark for other short-term market instruments. Treasury Bills market has received special attention of RBI over the years as it is at the heart of the money market development. The amounts assigned for auctions are announced in advance since April 1998. Also the payments dates are synchronized on the following Friday after the auctions inorder to provide fungible stock of varying maturities and to activate the secondary market in Treasury Bills. The primary dealers provide their bid daily and offer discount rates so that the investors are able to acquire treasury bills even in between the auctions. Type of T-bills Introduced Discontinued 91 days Ad-hoc T-Bill Mid 1950s April, 1997 91 days T-Bill on Tap Mid 1950s March, 1997 182 days T-Bill on weekly auction November,1986 April, 1992 14 days T-Bill on weekly auction April, 1997 May, 2001 364 days T-Bill on fortnightly auction April, 1992 91 days T-Bill on weekly auction January,1993 182 days T-Bill on weekly auction Re-introduced in June, 1999 May, 2001 182 days T-Bill on weekly auction Re-introduced in April, 2005 The primary dealers provide their bid daily and offer discount rates so that the investors are able to acquire treasury bills even in between the auctions. Commercial Paper (CP): Commercial paper was introduced in India in January 1990, in accordance with the recommendations of the vaghul committee with an aim to provide additional avenues to the corporate to source short term funds. Commercial Paper (CP) is issued in the form of a promissory note sold directly by the issuers to investors, or else placed by the borrowers through agents such as merchant banks and security houses. Since CP is freely transferable, and highly liquid it provides the banks, financial institutions, insurance companies and others an attractive avenue to park their short term funds. Over the years RBI has gradually relaxed the norms relating to eligibility, maturity period etc. for issuing CPs. Initially, corporates were allowed to issue CP with a maturity between 3 to 6 months from the date of issue. However the minimum tenor of the CP was reduced in phased manner. Currently the minimum tenor of the CP is seven days (effective October 2004). Also the minimum amount to be invested by a single investor, which was Rs.1 crore at time of introduction of CP, has been gradually brought down to 5 lakhs. This norm was gradually relaxed so as to align the CPs with other money market instruments. These measures helped in the increasing activity in this segment of the money market. Initially the limit of CP issuance was carved out of the maximum permissible bank finance (MPBF) limit and consequently only to its cash credit part. However reducing proportion of cash credit in the MPBF was hindering the development of the CP market and hence issuance of CP was delinked from the cash credit limit in October 1997. Further with a view to enable issuers of the service sector to meet their needs of short-term working capital, CP was transformed into a stand alone product. Initially, the individuals, banks, companies, other corporate bodies registered or incorporated in India and unincorporated bodies were allowed to issue and held the CP. Further issuance of the CP to non-residents on a non-repatriation basis was allowed however these CPs were non transferable. Also the FIIs were permitted to invest in the CPs since October 2000, but within the limit set by SEBI. Further to improve the efficiency, rationalize standardize the various aspects of processing and reduce the transaction cost many measures such as dematerialization of CPs (effective June 30, 2001) were undertaken by the RBI. It issued draft guidelines on securitisation of standard assets on April 4, 2005, with an aim to further deepen the market. Consequently the issuing and Paying agents were required to report the issuance of the CP on NDS platform commencing from April 16, 2005. Over the years the major issuers of CP have been the leasing and finance companies. Discount rates on CPs have firmed up in line with the increases in policy rates during 2005-06 and 2006-07. It is advantageous for the corporate to raise funds through CPs during times of ample liquidity as the effective discount rates on CP tends to be lower than the banks lending rates. Also it is relatively profitable for banks to park their funds in the CPs during times of high liquidity as the interbank call rates tend to be lower than the CP rates. Thus the activity in the CP market reflects the liquidity condition in the money market. The average outstanding amount of CPs reduced from Rs. 22.80 bn during FY94 to Rs. 4.42 bn in FY96 on account of tight liquidity conditions in the money market. However the outstanding amount of CPs has increased in the recent years. It was Rs. 213.14 bn during FY07. However the secondary market for CPs continues to remain subdued as the investors prefer to hold the instrument till maturity as it gives them a higher risk adjusted return compared to other instruments in the money market. The secondary market of CPs is more profitable for the Mutual funds as they are charged higher stamp duty for issuing a CP as compared to the banks. Certificates of Deposits (CD) CD were introduced in the Indian money market in June 1989, with an view to widen the range of instruments in the money market and provide additional avenue and greater flexibility to the investors to park their short term surplus funds. During the pre reform period the CDs were governed by a number of regulations in terms of maturity, issuance amounts, maturity etc. However many guidelines pertaining to the CDs have been relaxed in the post reform period. The limit on issuance of the CD, which was earlier linked to the average fortnightly outstanding aggregate deposit, was abolished effective October 16, 1993. This was done with a view to enabling it as a market determined instrument. In order to align the CDs with other money market instruments the minimum maturity of the CDs has been reduced gradually to 7 days (April 2005). The minimum size of issuance was reduced from Rs 1 crore in 1989 to Rs. 1 lakh in June 2002. Also to provide flexibility and depth to the secondary market activity the restrictions pertaining to the minimum period for transferability were withdrawn over a period of time. With a view to improve transparency and promote secondary market activity the banks were instructed to issue CDs to the financial institutions only in dematerialized form, effective June 30, 2002. Since October 2002 the banks were allowed to issue floating rate CDs as a coupon bearing instrument in order to promote flexible pricing. The reduction in stamp duty on CDs, effective March 1, 2004 and withdrawal of the facility of premature closure of deposits in respect of CDs were other factors that boosted activity in the market, providing greater opportunity for secondary market trading. The activity in the CDs market is also depended on the liquidity conditions in the market as the CPs. Unlike the CPs the issuance of CDs increase in the time of tight liquidity conditions as the banks resort to issuance of CDs, often at premium, to meet their liquidity gap. For instance, the outstanding amount of CDs declined to Rs.949 crore during FY02 as compared to 1,199 crore, partly due to easy liquidity conditions on account of large capital inflows. However the average outstanding amount of CDs increased gradually during the subsequent periods. The average outstanding amount of CDs had increased to Rs.64,814 crore during FY07 as banks resorted to issuance of CDs in order to support the robust credit demand. The interest rates on CDs which had softened in the recent years in line with other money market instruments experienced some hardening during FY07. However banks offer higher interest rates on CDs as compared to other instruments and hence it is profitable for the subscriber to hold the CDs till maturity. This infact is one of the reasons for subdued secondary market for the CDs. Collateralised Borrowing and lending obligation: The CCIL operationalised CBLO as a money market instrument on Jan 20, 2003 with an aim to provide an alternative avenue to the market participants, especially those who were phased out of the call money market, to manage their short term liquidity. This innovative product developed by the CCIL facilitates anonymous order matching system for efficient price discovery. High transparency and real time basis of deals in the CBLO have assisted in enhancing efficiency of the money market. With the conversion of the call money market in a pure interbank market since August 2005 and setting of prudential limits on lending and borrowing by banks and PDs in the call money market, the activity has shifted to CBLO segment as can be seen in the below chart. The average daily turnover in the CBLO segment has registered an increase from Rs.515 crore in FY04 to Rs.32,390 crore during FY07. However the increase in turnover can be partly attributed to the increase in number of participants from 30 in July 2003 to 153 in March 2007. It is important to note here that the composition of market participants has also changed over the years. The mutual funds and insurance companies have emerged as the major lenders while the nationalized banks, PDs and non-financial companies as major borrowers during FY07. As borrowings in the CBLO segment are fully collateralised, the rates in this segment are expected to be comparable with the repo rates. The movements in the daily average rates in the overnight call, the repo and the CBLO markets for the period from January 2003 to March 2007 show that CBLO rates moved between the call and the repo rates up to November 2003 due to a limited number of participants. From November 2003, the CBLO rates have aligned with the repo rates on account of increase in the number of participants. Money Market Mutual Funds (MMMFs) With an aim of bringing the money market within the reach of individual investors the MMMF were introduced in India in April 1991. However a detailed scheme of MMMFs was declared by the RBI in April 1992, thereby allowing the schedule commercial banks and public financial institutions to set up MMMFs, subject to some terms and conditions. However to provide flexibility, liquidity and depth to the market these restrictions were relaxed over a period of time. For example the minimum lock in period for the units of MMMFs was brought down from 30 days to 15 days in May 1998. MMMFs were permitted to offer cheque writing facility in a tie-up with banks in 1999-2000 in order to provide added liquidity to unit holders. MMMFs, which were under the purview of RBI, were bought under SEBIs regulations Since March 7, 2000. Also it is important to note that now banks are permitted to set up MMMFs only in form of trust as a separate entity. Also the MMMFs were permitted to invest in rated corporate bonds and debentures with a residual maturity of one year.

Oh the Possibilities! :: Teachers Teaching Education Essays

Oh the Possibilities! Whether we know it or not, throughout life many people mold and shape our lives. These are the people that make us who we are today. I am simply talking about one person in particular, a teacher. Teachers’ change lives every day without even sometimes realizing it. Erich Fromm said it best when he stated, â€Å"Education is helping the child realize his potentialities.† Knowing that I could have a positive effect on a child’s life is the main reason for my teaching career. In this paper, I will explain why I want to teach, my educational goals, and the philosophy that I will use during my teaching career. From my grade school years, I had always thought of being a pediatrician. Even during my senior year while filling out my college application, my major would be Pre-Med Biology. However, it was during that same year that I started teaching for the Wednesday night youth group at my church. Although it was very informal teaching, I knew that I had a knack for it. I also started teaching 5 ladies piano lessons during my senior year. One by one, they would tell me how wonderful I would be at teaching. But I will still very unsure about the whole idea. After that year of teaching, I knew that teaching was what I wanted to do for the rest of my life. Education plays a vital role in our society. Becoming a teacher is not a fashionable choice by our society, but it is crucial. Many people claim that the teaching profession doesn’t pay enough and are quickly unenthusiastic to enter the field. Is changing the life of one child at a time not enough? Another common misconception the public has about teaching is that bright people should enter another profession. When I finally decided that teaching was what I wanted to do with my life, I was told so many times that I needed to do something that would benefit my life. I was too smart to be a teacher. My reply was always, â€Å"Who taught the doctor the human anatomy?† Who taught the lawyer about the ways of the law? Oh the Possibilities! :: Teachers Teaching Education Essays Oh the Possibilities! Whether we know it or not, throughout life many people mold and shape our lives. These are the people that make us who we are today. I am simply talking about one person in particular, a teacher. Teachers’ change lives every day without even sometimes realizing it. Erich Fromm said it best when he stated, â€Å"Education is helping the child realize his potentialities.† Knowing that I could have a positive effect on a child’s life is the main reason for my teaching career. In this paper, I will explain why I want to teach, my educational goals, and the philosophy that I will use during my teaching career. From my grade school years, I had always thought of being a pediatrician. Even during my senior year while filling out my college application, my major would be Pre-Med Biology. However, it was during that same year that I started teaching for the Wednesday night youth group at my church. Although it was very informal teaching, I knew that I had a knack for it. I also started teaching 5 ladies piano lessons during my senior year. One by one, they would tell me how wonderful I would be at teaching. But I will still very unsure about the whole idea. After that year of teaching, I knew that teaching was what I wanted to do for the rest of my life. Education plays a vital role in our society. Becoming a teacher is not a fashionable choice by our society, but it is crucial. Many people claim that the teaching profession doesn’t pay enough and are quickly unenthusiastic to enter the field. Is changing the life of one child at a time not enough? Another common misconception the public has about teaching is that bright people should enter another profession. When I finally decided that teaching was what I wanted to do with my life, I was told so many times that I needed to do something that would benefit my life. I was too smart to be a teacher. My reply was always, â€Å"Who taught the doctor the human anatomy?† Who taught the lawyer about the ways of the law?

Feminism in India

Feminism in India  is a set of movements aimed at defining, establishing, and defending equal political, economic, and social rights and equal opportunities for Indian women.It is the pursuit of  women's rights  within the society of  India. Like their feminist counterparts all over the world,  feminists  in India seek gender equality: the right to work for equal wages, the right to equal access to health and education, and equal political rights. [1]  Indian feminists also have fought against culture-specific issues within India's  patriarchal  society, such as  inheritance laws  and the practice of widow immolation known as  Sati.The history of feminism in India can be divided into three phases: the first phase, beginning in the mid-nineteenth century, initiated when male European colonists began to speak out against the social evils of Sati;[2]  the second phase, from 1915 to Indian independence, when Gandhi incorporated women's movements into the  Quit India movement  and independent women's organizations began to emerge;[3]  and finally, the third phase, post-independence, which has focused on fair treatment of women in the work force and right to political parity. 3] Despite the progress made by Indian feminist movements, women living in modern India still face many issues of discrimination. India's patriarchal culture has made the process of gaining land-ownership rights and access to education challenging. [4]  In the past two decades, there has also emerged a disturbing trend of  sex-selective abortion. [5]  To Indian feminists, these are seen as injustices worth struggling against. [6] As in the  West, there has been some criticism of feminist movements in India.They have especially been criticized for focusing too much on women already privileged, and neglecting the needs and representation of poorer or lower  caste  women. This has led to the creation of caste-specific feminist organizations and movements. [7] Contents  Ã‚  [hide]   * 1  Defining feminism in the Indian context * 2  History * 2. 1  First phase: 1850–1915 * 2. 2  Second Phase: 1915–1947 * 2. 3  Feminism: Post-1947 * 3  Issues * 3. 1  Birth ratio * 3. 2  Marriage * 4  Theology * 4. 1  Hindu feminism * 4.   Islamic feminism * 5  Impact * 5. 1  Employment * 5. 2  Globalization * 5. 3  Education * 5. 4  Modernization * 6  Notable Indian feminists * 7  See also * 8  References * 9  Further reading * 10  External links| ————————————————- [edit]Defining feminism in the Indian context Tribal widow and single women protesting in  Jawhar,  Maharashtra Women's role in Pre-colonial social structures reveals that feminism was theorized differently in India than in the West. 8]  In India, women’s issues first began to be addressed when the state commi ssioned a report on the status of women to a group of feminist researchers and activists. The report recognized the fact that in India, women were oppressed under a system of structural hierarchies and injustices. During this period, Indian feminists were influenced by the Western debates being conducted about violence against women. However, due to the difference in the historical and social culture of India, the debate in favor of Indian women had to be conducted creatively and certain Western ideas had to be rejected. 9]  Women’s issues began to gain an international prominence when the decade of 1975-1985 was declared the  United Nations Decade for Women. [2] Historical circumstances and values in India have caused feminists to develop a  feminism  that differs from Western feminism. For example, the idea of women as â€Å"powerful† is accommodated into patriarchal culture through religion,[10]  which has retained visibility in all sections of society. Th is has provided women with traditional â€Å"cultural spaces. Furthermore, in the West the notion of â€Å"self† rests in competitive  individualism  where people are described as â€Å"born free yet everywhere in chains. † In India the individual is usually considered to be just one part of the larger social  collective. Survival of the individual is dependent upon  cooperation, and  self-denial  for the greater good is valued. [10] Indian women negotiate survival through an array of oppressive patriarchal family structures: age, ordinal status, relationship to men through family of origin, marriage and procreation as well as patriarchal attributes.Examples of patriarchal attributes include:  dowry, siring sons etc. ,  kinship,  caste, community, village, market and the  state. It should however be noted that several communities in India, such as the  Nairs  of Kerala,  Shettys  of Mangalore, certain  Maratha  clans, and  Bengali   families exhibit matriarchal tendencies. In these communities, the head of the family is the oldest woman rather than the oldest man. Sikh  culture is also regarded as relatively  gender-neutral. 10][11] The heterogeneity of the Indian experience reveals that there are multiple patriarchies, contributing to the existence of multiple feminisms. Hence, feminism in India is not a singular theoretical orientation; it has changed over time in relation to historical and cultural realities, levels of consciousness, perceptions and actions of individual women, and women as a group. The widely used definition is â€Å"An awareness of women’s oppression and exploitation in society, at work and within the family, and conscious action by women and men to change this situation. [11]  Acknowledgingsexism  in daily life and attempting to challenge and eliminate it through  deconstructing  mutually exclusive notions of  femininity  and  masculinity  as  biologically de termined  categories opens the way towards an equitable society for both men and women. [11] The male and female dichotomy of polar opposites with the former oppressing the latter at all times is refuted in the Indian context because it was men who initiated  social reform movementsagainst various  social evils. Patriarchy is just one of the hierarchies. Relational hierarchies between women within the same family are more adverse.Here women are pitted against one another. Not all women are powerless at all times. [12] There have been intense debates within the Indian women's movements about the relationship between Western and Indian feminisms. Many Indian feminists simultaneously claim a specific â€Å"Indian† sensitivity as well as an international feminist solidarity with groups and individuals worldwide. [9][13]  The rise of liberal feminism in the West in the 1970s focused deeply on demands for equal opportunities in education and employment, as well as ending vi olence against women.To a large extent, the emerging feminist movement in India was influenced by Western ideals. These called for education and equal rights, but also adapted their appeals to local issues and concerns, such as dowry-related violence against women,  Sati, sex selective abortion and custodial rape. Some Indian feminists have suggested that these issues are not specifically â€Å"Indian† in nature but rather a reflection of a wider trend of patriarchal oppression of women. [9] ————————————————- [edit]History Kamini Roy  (poet and suffragette) became the first woman Honors Graduate in India in 1886.Unlike the Western feminist movement, India’s movement was initiated by men, and later joined by women. The efforts of these men included abolishing sati, which was a widow's death by burning on her husband's funeral pyre,[2][14]  the custom of child marriage, abolishing the disfiguring of widows, banning the marriage of upper caste  Hindu  widows, promoting women’s education, obtaining legal rights for women to own property, and requiring the law to acknowledge women’s status by granting them basic rights in matters such as adoption. 15] The 19th century was the period that saw a majority of women's issues come under the spotlight and reforms began to be made. Much of the early reforms for Indian women were conducted by men. However, by the late 19th century they were joined in their efforts by their wives, sisters, daughters, protegees and other individuals directly affected by campaigns such as those carried out for women's education. By the late 20th century, women gained greater autonomy through the formation of independent women's own organizations.By the late thirties and forties a new narrative began to be constructed regarding â€Å"women's activism†. This was newly researched and expanded with the vision to create ‘logical' and organic links between feminism and Marxism, as well as with anti-communalism and anti-casteism, etc. The Constitution of India did guarantee ‘equality between the sexes,' which created a relative lull in women's movements until the 1970s. [3] During the formative years of women's rights movements, the difference between the sexes was more or less taken for granted in that their roles, functions, aims and desires were different.As a result, they were not only to be reared differently but treated differently also. Over the course of time, this difference itself became a major reason for initiating women's movements. Early 19th century reformers argued that the difference between men and women was no reason for the subjection of women in society. However, later reformers were of the opinion that indeed it was this particular difference that subjugated women to their roles in society, for example, as mothers. Therefore, there was a ne ed for the proper care of women's rights.With the formation of women's organizations and their own participation in campaigns, their roles as mothers was again stressed but in a different light: this time the argument was for women's rights to speech, education and emancipation. However, the image of women with the mother as a symbol underwent changes over time – from an emphasis on family to the creation of an archetypal mother figure, evoking deep, often  atavistic  images. [3] [edit]First phase: 1850–1915 The colonial venture into  modernity  brought concepts of  democracy,  equality  and individual  rights.The rise of the concept of  nationalism  and introspection of discriminatory practices brought about social reform movements related to caste and gender relations. This first phase of feminism in India was initiated by men to uproot the  social evils  of  sati  (widow immolation),[16]  to allow widow remarriage, to forbid child marri age, and to reduce illiteracy, as well as to regulate the age of consent and to ensure property rights through legal intervention. In addition to this, some upper caste Hindu women rejected constraints they faced under Brahminical traditions. 3]  However, efforts for improving the status of women in Indian society were somewhat thwarted by the late nineteenth century, as nationalist movements emerged in India. These movements resisted ‘colonial interventions in gender relations’ particularly in the areas of family relations. In the mid to late nineteenth century, there was a national form of resistance to any colonial efforts made to ‘modernize’ the Hindu family. This included the Age of Consent controversy that erupted after the government tried to raise the age of marriage for women. 2][17] [edit]Second Phase: 1915–1947 Women's procession during Quit India Movement in 1942 During this period the struggle against colonial rule intensified. Nationa lism became the pre-eminent cause. Claiming Indian superiority became the tool of cultural revivalism resulting in an essentializing model of Indian womanhood similar to that of  Victorian  womanhood: special yet separated from public space. Gandhi  legitimized and expanded Indian women’s public activities by initiating them into the non-violent  civil disobedience  movement against theBritish Raj.He exalted their feminine roles of caring, self-abnegation, sacrifice and tolerance; and carved a niche for those in the public arena. Women-only organizations like  All India Women's Conference  (AIWC) and the  National Federation of Indian Women  (NFIW) emerged. Women were grappling with issues relating to the scope of women’s political participation,  women’s franchise, communal awards, and leadership roles in  political parties. [3] The 1920s was a new era for Indian women and is defined as ‘feminism’ that was responsible for the creation of localized women’s associations.These associations emphasized women’s education issues, developed livelihood strategies for working class women, and also organized national level women’s associations such as the All India Women’s Conference. AIWC was closely affiliated with the Indian National Congress. Under the leadership of  Mahatma Gandhi, it worked within the nationalist and anti-colonialist freedom movements. This made the mass mobilization of women an integral part of Indian nationalism. Women therefore were a very important part of various nationalist and anti-colonial efforts, including the civil disobedience movements in the 1970s. 3] After independence, the All India Women’s Conference continued to operate and in 1954 the Indian Communist Party formed its own women’s wing known as the National Federation of Indian Women. However, feminist agendas and movements became less active right after India’s 1947 indepen dence, as the nationalist agendas on nation building took precedence over feminist issues. [18] Women’s participation in the struggle for freedom developed their critical consciousness about their role and rights in  independent India. This resulted in the introduction of the franchise and civic rights of women in the Indian constitution.There was provision for women’s upliftment through  affirmative action, maternal health and child care provision (creches), equal pay for equal work etc. The state adopted a patronizing role towards women. For example, India’s constitution states that women are a â€Å"weaker section† of the population, and therefore need assistance to function as equals. [15]  Thus women in India did not have to struggle for basic rights as did women in the West. The utopia ended soon when the social and cultural ideologies and structures failed to honor the newly acquired concepts of fundamental rights and democracy. 3] [edit]Femi nism: Post-1947 Post independence feminists began to redefine the extent to which women were allowed to engage in the workforce. Prior to independence, most feminists accepted the sexual divide within the labor force. However, feminists in the 1970s challenged the inequalities that had been established and fought to reverse them. These inequalities included unequal wages for women, relegation of women to ‘unskilled' spheres of work, and restricting women as a reserve army for labor.In other words, the feminists' aim was to abolish the free service of women who were essentially being used as cheap capital. [3]  Feminist class-consciousness also came into focus in the 1970s, with feminists recognizing the inequalities not just between men and women but also within power structures such as caste, tribe, language, religion, region, class etc. This also posed as a challenge for feminists while shaping their overreaching campaigns as there had to be a focus within efforts to ensur e that fulfilling the demands of one group would not create further inequalities for another.Now, in the early twenty-first century, the focus of the Indian feminist movement has gone beyond treating women as useful members of society and a right to parity, but also having the power to decide the course of their personal lives and the right of self-determination. [3] ————————————————- [edit]Issues Despite â€Å"on-paper† advancements, many problems still remain which inhibit women from fully taking advantage of new rights and opportunities in India. There are many traditions and customs that have been an important part of Indian culture for hundreds of years.Religious laws and expectations, or â€Å"personal laws† enumerated by each specific religion, often conflict with the Indian Constitution, eliminating rights and powers women should legally have. Despite these crossovers in legality, the Indian government does not interfere with religion and the personal laws they hold. [19]  Religions, like Hinduism, call for women to be faithful servants to God and their husbands. They have a term called  pativrata  that describes a wife who has accepted service and devotion to her husband and her family as her ultimate religion and duty.Indian society is largely composed of hierarchical systems within families and communities. These  hierarchies  can be broken down into age, sex, ordinal position, kinship relationships (within families), and caste, lineage, wealth, occupations, and relationship to ruling power (within the community). When hierarchies emerge within the family based on social convention and economic need, girls in poorer families suffer twice the impact of vulnerability and stability. From birth, girls are automatically entitled to less; from playtime, to food, to education, girls can expect to always be entitled to less than their brothers.Girls also have less access to their family’s income and assets, which is exacerbated among poor, rural Indian families. From the start, it is understood that females will be burdened with strenuous work and exhausting responsibilities for the rest of their lives, always with little to no compensation or recognition. [20] India is also a  patriarchal  society, which, by definition, describes cultures in which males as fathers or husbands are assumed to be in charge and the official heads of households.A  patrilinealsystem governs the society, where descent and inheritance are traced through the male line and men are generally in control of the distribution of family resources. [12] These traditions and ways of Indian life have been in effect for so long that this type of lifestyle is what women have become accustomed to and expect. Indian women often do not take full advantage of their constitutional rights because they are not properly aware or inf ormed of them. Women also tend to have poor utilization of voting rights because they possess low levels of political awareness and sense of political efficacy.Women are not often encouraged to become informed about issues. Due to this, political parties do not invest much time in female candidates because there is a perception that they are a â€Å"wasted investment. â€Å"[15] The female-to-male ratio in India is 933 to 1000, showing that there are numerically fewer women in the country than men. This is due to several factors, including  infanticides, most commonly among female infants, and the poor care of female infants and childbearing women. Although outlawed, infanticides are still highly popular in rural India, and are continuing to become even more prominent.This is due to the fact, most especially in rural areas, that families cannot afford female children because of the  dowry  they must pay when their daughter gets married. Like infanticide, the payment of dowry is also  illegal, but is still a frequent and prevalent occurrence in rural India. [21]  Women are considered to be â€Å"worthless† by their husbands if they are not â€Å"able† to produce a male child, and can often face much abuse if this is the case. [22] [edit]Birth ratio Between the years of 1991 to 2001, the female-male ratio of the population of India fell from 94. 5 girls per 100 boys to 92. girls per 100 boys. [5]  Some parts of the country, such as  Kerala, did not experience such a decline, but in the richer Indian states of  Punjab,  Haryana,  Gujarat, and  Maharashtra, the female-male ratio fell very sharply (the female-male ratios in these states were between 79. 3 and 87. 8). [5]  This is evidence of natality inequality, and an indication that  sex-selective abortion  has become more pervasive. The Indian parliament has banned the use of sex determination techniques for fetuses due to this, but enforcement of this law has been lar gely ignored. [23] [edit]MarriageMost of the average Indian woman's life is spent in marriage; many women are still married before the legal age of 18, and the incidence of non-marriage is low in India. Childbearing and raising children are the priorities of early adulthood for Indian women. Thus, if they enter the workforce at all, it is far later than Indian men. Urban Indian men reach the peak of their labor force participation between the ages of 25 and 29, while urban Indian women do so between the ages of 40 and 44. [4]  Because of this, women have less time for the acquisition of skills and fewer opportunities for job improvements.There is a poor representation of women in the Indian workforce. Females have a ten percent higher drop-out rate than males from middle and primary schools, as well as lower levels of literacy than men. Since unemployment is also high in India, it is easy for employers to manipulate the law, especially when it comes to women, because it is part of Indian culture for women not to argue with men. Additionally, labor unions are insensitive to women’s needs. Women also have to settle for jobs that comply with their obligations as wives, mothers, and homemakers. [4][21] ————————————————- edit]Theology [edit]Hindu feminism In the  Hindu  religion, there has been partial success in terms of gender equality reform laws and family law. While this is a major advancement relative to other religions in India, it is still not a complete triumph in terms of feminism and relieving oppression. [19]  Gandhi  came up with the term  stree shakti  (women power) for the concept of womanhood. In the Hindu religion, Gods are not exclusively male. Hinduism sheds a positive light on femininity; females are considered to compliment and complete their male counterparts.It is important to note that the deities of both knowl edge and wealth are female. [15] There has been some criticism from  Dalit  groups that Indian feminism tends to represent â€Å"upper caste† and upper class Hindu women, while ignoring and marginalizing the interests of Dalit women. Debates on caste and gender oppression have been furthered by  Other Backward Class  (OBC) members of different political parties, arguing in state assemblies that â€Å"lower caste† women's interests are best represented by women from these castes. 7]  Working towards this end, women within Dalit castes have formed organizations such as the All India Dalit Women's Forum and the National Federation of Dalit Women and Dalit Solidarity, which focus on the gendered implications of caste based violence and oppression, such as the ways in which Dalit women suffer from urban poverty and displacement. [7] [edit]Islamic feminism The Hindu and Muslim communities in India were treated differently by the government in that separate types of concessions were made for each community in order to accommodate their separate religious laws and regulations.The case of  Shah Bano  begun in 1985 was one such example of  Rajiv Gandhi  attempting to make â€Å"concessions† for the Muslim community to in turn secure support for the Congress. Shah Bano, a 73-year-old Muslim woman, was divorced by her husband after forty-three years of marriage. According to the Sharia or Muslim Law, her husband was not required to pay her alimony. Shah Bano challenged this decision in the Supreme Court, which ultimately ruled in her favor and ordered her husband to pay her a monthly maintenance allowance.This caused chaos amongst the Muslim clerics who denounced the judgement and suggested that their religion, Islam was under attack in the country. In a fear of losing overall Muslim support, Rajiv succumbed to the pressures of the Muslim community and his own party and backed the Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Divorce) Bill t hat overruled the Supreme Court's decision. This caused an outcry from Hindu nationalists who found the appeasement of minorities by the Congress for political purposes wrong and opportunistic. 24] Feminism was challenged by various minority groups for not entirely addressing the needs of minority populations. It was suggested that ‘mainstream' feminism was upper caste and Hindu in its orientation and did not address the concerns of minority women. This led to the formation of the Awaaz-e-Niswaan (The Voice of Women) in 1987 in Mumbai in largely Muslim part of the city. The Muslim community has been subjected to personal laws that often were considered harmful to the rights of Muslim women. [25] ————————————————- [edit]ImpactWestern-educated Indians introduced  equality  in the early nineteenth century. However, the term did not gain meaning or become an operatio nal principle in Indian life until the country gained independence in 1947 and adopted a democratic government. [15]  The  Indian Constitution  then granted equality, freedom from discrimination based on gender or religion, and guaranteed religious freedoms. [19]  Also, seven  five-year plans  were developed to provide health, education, employment, and welfare to women. The sixth five-year plan even declared women â€Å"partners in development. [15] [edit]Employment In general in the uneducated and rural section of the Indian society, which forms a major percentage of the total population, women are seen as economic burdens. Their contributions to productivity are mostly invisible as their familial and domestic contributions are unfairly overlooked. Indian women were contributing nearly 36 percent of total employment in agriculture and related activities, nearly 19 percent in the service sector, and nearly 12. 5 in the industry sector as of the year 2000.The unfortunat e reality is that the high illiteracy rate among women confines them to lower paying, unskilled jobs with less job security than men. Even in agricultural jobs where the work of men and women are highly similar, women are still more likely to be paid less for the same amount and type of work as men. [26]  However in the urban section of Indian society, women are empowered with laws such as IPC 498a which are heavily biased against the men in the society. Educated women are sometimes accused of using such laws to unleash legal terrorism on husbands by disgruntled wives. 24] [edit]Globalization Feminists are also concerned about the impact of globalization on women in India. Some feminists argue that globalization has led to economic changes that have raised more social and economical challenges for women, particularly for working class and lower caste women. Multinational companies in India have been seen to exploit the labor of ‘young, underpaid and disadvantaged womenâ€⠄¢ in free trade zones and sweat shops, and use â€Å"Young lower middle class, educated women,† in call centers.These women have few effective labor rights, or rights to collective action. [27][28] In addition to this, multinational corporations are seen to advertise a homogenous image of ideal women across the country is argued to cause an increase in the commodification of women’s bodies. This is also manifested in the form of nationalist pride exhibited through Indian women winning international beauty pageants. According to some feminists, such developments have offered women greater sexual autonomy and more control over their bodies.However, many other feminists feel that such commodification of female bodies has only served the purpose of feeding to male fantasies. [27] [edit]Education Girls in Kalleda Rural School,  Andhra Pradesh. Some of the main reasons that girls are less likely to reach optimal levels of education include the fact that girls are needed t o assist their mothers at home, have been raised to believe that a life of domestic work is their destined occupation, have illiterate mothers who cannot educate their children, have an economic dependency on men, and are sometimes subject to child-marriage. 26] In 1986, the  National Policy on Education  (NPE) was created in India, and the government launched the program called  Mahila Samakhya, whose focus was on the empowerment of women. The program’s goal is to create a learning environment for women to realize their potential, learn to demand information and find the knowledge to take charge of their own lives. In certain areas of India, progress is being made and an increase in the enrollment of girls in schools and as teachers has begun to increase.By 2001 literacy for women had exceeded 50% of the overall female population, though these statistics were still very low compared to world standards and even male literacy within India. [29]  Efforts are still being made to improve the level of education that females receive to match that of male students. [26] [edit]Modernization Modern influences are affecting the younger generations in parts of India, where girls are beginning to forgo the more traditional ways of Indian life and break gender stereotypes.In more flourishing parts of the country, the idea of â€Å"dating,† or more specifically  openly  dating, has come into play, and the terms â€Å"girlfriend† and â€Å"boyfriend† are being used. Some women have landed highly respectable careers, and can be seen across  Bollywood  billboards and advertisements. However, this is not the norm throughout the country; such modernizations and the women behind them face serious resistance from anti-liberalists. The country is still severely male-dominant and unwelcoming to such movements that go against sex and gender traditions in India. Hasselrlis, Kaj. â€Å"Making a Statement. †Ã‚  Herizons  23. 2 (2009): 33-35.

Dumbest Generation

Mark Bauerlein seems to believe that is the dumbest generation because research has shown that knowledge skills and intellectual habits have gone down, and although some people agree with him, others don’t. I believe this generation isn’t the dumbest because there are other things that need to be considered when calling someone, a group of people, or even an entire generation stupid or dumb, rather than just knowledge skills and intellectual habits. Knowledge isn’t all about what people know or how well they are in school. IQ tests test the intelligence of the person; however they test the pure thinking capacity rather than what people know.This means that intelligence comes from the entire cognitive thinking ability and not what they know. IQ tests have also been rising since the 1930’s (Source B). Furthermore, just because this doesn’t know things that people knew two generations before us did, doesn’t make us dumb. This generation is learn ing about things that people didn’t even know about two or even one generation ago. Also, most students in college don’t think that what was important back then is relevant today, so they don’t see the point in remembering or learning about it. That isn’t stupidity, that’s just choice in the information that they wish to hold.Plus, some people are more intelligent about certain things about other people, but that doesn’t make them dumb or stupid about that subject. They just don’t understand it as much as other people. If you look at other subjects for that person, I’m sure you’ll find their strong spot, and what they’re good at. It all depends on what their brain can understand and comprehend. Moreover, students and even adults are coming together. They create groups and social activities that allow people with similar interests and intelligence to get together and help and teach what they know about that particu lar subject.They come to these people for their knowledge to improve their craft, gain reputation, and expanding their intelligence and interest in their craft (Source C). Although most people may disagree, the new media and social advances help with this. It allows students to reach people around the globe and get other information so they get direct information. According to Mizuko (Source C), â€Å"Youth respect one another’s authority online and are more often motivated to learn from peers than adults. † So by this meaning, the social media allows students to learn in a more advanced way to where they don’t feel like they are being condescending.This also allows the students to learn more of on their own and exploring, rather than knowing the goals and going by a direct lesson plan. Given the fact that most students use Google instead of a library might make people think that we are being derived of learning how to do research on our own. Although most peopl e are right, Google does have benefits. If someone just needs a quick way to get information, Google is good place to get started. Most people know to make sure things are doubled in places rather than just in one place though, so they know what to do about how to research.Additionally, having social media and the internet, texting, email etc. , also creates more chances of writing. Most parents and teachers think that this is causing a downfall in school and literacy capabilities but in reality its actually helping. According to Thompson (Source G), she believes we are in the middle of a literacy revolution. This generation writes more than any other generation before. Most peoples’ writing happens outside the classroom. It may not be very advanced writing, but it is writing. It works the writing and literacy capabilities because it is still writing. They have to read, comprehend, understand, and respond.All of which includes using the abilities that they already had. Also, almost thirty-eight percent of writing happens outside of the classroom. Everything that people write, including texting and email etc. , add up and help with their brain which expands their learning and thinking capacity. Along with social media, there are video games. The people who play video games say that they help with hand-eye coordination, and those who don’t say that the video games make the brains weak. But in all actuality, video games help expand the thinking capacity and help the thinking and learning capabilities.They figure out how to get through things in the game and don’t just cheat by using a manual. They have to think about what could happen next or look at how things happen so they know how to act, react, and do (Source F). Furthermore, every generation has their â€Å"dumb spots†. That doesn’t make each generation the dumbest generation though. One person can’t say that this is the dumbest generation when every generation is d umb at some point or with some group of people. In 1962, according to Simpson, (Source E), he did a documentary about a group of people who didn’t even know what most people did know at their age.They barely knew anything at all and they weren’t able to spend all day texting or playing video games. Each generation has their problems, so one cannot pinpoint what generation is the dumbest generation. So, although some people believe different, I believe this generation is not the dumbest generation because knowledge is not all about the amount of information a person holds. It’s about the thinking capacity and other things can interrupt that thinking process, and also, each generation has their â€Å"dumb† faults. This generation may be more evident, but it is not the dumbest generation.